ARTICLE FROM: Arindam Mukherjee <bccl_laid@rediffmail.com> TOPIC: Office of Profit It started with Jaya Bachchan being disqualified from the Rajya Sabha, snowballed into a political catfight, and was brought into a dramatic finale by the sudden resignation of Sonia Gandhi from the Lok Sabha. The issue : disqualification from Parliament for violating the clause on holding an office of profit. At least 100 other Legislators, including the Lok Sabha Speaker face the risk of being kicked over the same issue. What is it all about ? The expression office of profit occurs in Arts 18(3), 18(4), 58(2), 59(2), 66(4), 102(1)(a), 158(2) and 191(1)(a) of our Constitution. We restrict ourselves to Art 102, which is the root of the current imbroglio. Art 102 (1)(a), dealing with Disqualification for membership of Parliament, states : A person shall be disqualified for being chosen as, and for being, a member of either House of Parliament if he holds any office of profit under the Govt of India or the Govt of any State, other than an office declared by Parliament by law not to disqualify its holder. Accordingly, under the Parliament (Prevention of Disqualification) Act, 1959, even though an office may be an office of profit, its holder is not disqualified if Parliament so declares. Unfortunately for Jaya Bachchan, the post held by her as Chairperson, UP Film Dev Corpn is not one of them. Moreover, specific provision by way of a declaratory clause is also made in particular enactments to the effect that offices created thereunder are not deemed to be an 'office of profit', for the purpose of disqualification. Among other Acts, the Coffee Act, 1942, Rubber Act, 1947, Tea Act, 1953, Tobacco Board Act, 1975, Spices Board Act, 1986, Wakf Act, 1995 declare that a member of the Board constituted under their respective enactments shall not be disqualified from being chosen as, or for being a MP. The phrase office of profit is not defined under any Indian statute. However, the reason behind this prohibition is that MPs should be free to function independently of the Executive. By accepting an office of profit, theoretically they become subject to pressure by the Executive. Constitutional expert Durga Das Basu feels the governing principle is, . that there should be no conflict between the duties of a member of the Legislature as such and his private interests, and that the indebtedness of a member to Govt is incompatible with his independence as a representative of the people. Put simply, the philosophy is an extension of the doctrine of Separation of Powers. In the Sibu Soren case, the Supreme Court in July 2001, explained the rationale of the bar. It said the purpose was : .to reduce the risk of conflict between duty and interest amongst Members of the Legislature so as to ensure that the concerned legislator does not come under an obligation of the Executive, on account of receiving pecuniary gain or profit from it, which may render him amenable to influence of the Executive, while discharging his obligations as a legislator." Significantly, the Supreme Court interpreted the expression office of profit as an office which ". must be held under Govt to which any pay, salary, emoluments or allowance is attached. The word profit connotes the idea of pecuniary gain. If there is really a gain, its quantum or amount would not be material; but the amount of money receivable by a person in connection with the office he holds may be material in deciding whether the office really carries any profit. Adding that if the Govt had the power to appoint and remove a person, then the office is an office of profit within the meaning of Article 102, even though the person is paid out of the funds of the Corporation. On the other hand, if the Govt does not possess this power, whatever control the Govt may have over the person in other matters, would not suffice for the purpose. I have garnered information from the Rajya Sabha records. According to them, a Joint Committee of Houses of Parliament on Offices of Profit inter alia, examines all matters relating to 'office of profit'. It generally follows four criterion for determining whether an office is an office of profit : (i) if Govt exercises control over the appointment and removal from the office and over the performance and functions of the office; or, (ii) if the holder draws any remuneration other than 'compensatory allowance' as defined in Sec 2(a) of the Parliament (Prevention of Disqualification) Act, 1959; or, (iii) if the body in which an office is held, exercises executive, legislative or judicial powers or confers powers of disbursement of funds, allotment of lands, issue of licences, etc. or gives powers of appointment, grant of scholarships, etc.; or, (iv) if the body in which an office is held enables the holder to wield influence or power by way of patronage, then it is an office of profit. Therefore, an affirmative answer to even 1 of the 4 criteria means that the MP may be disqualified under provisions of Art 102(1)(a) of the Constitution. From the above, what clearly emerges is that every office or activity that brings in money is not an office of profit. MPs are free to pursue their own avocations as lawyers, doctors, architects or entrepreneurs and the like. A political party or a group of them may select one of the MPs as a chairperson with remuneration but that is not an office of profit under the Govt, because the executive government has no control over that chairperson. Neither is the Rajiv Gandhi Trust or a similar body, government. So, Sonia Gandhi on this count may not be disqualified the outcry is just political grandstanding. There is an urgent need to maintain Legislature sanctity by defining its separation of powers with the Executive. Parliamentarians, set aside petty, divisive politics and, grab the moral high ground by upholding the legislative spirit of the Indian Constitution. Alternately, a dose of Judicial Activism is imminent. As law students, we wait and watch. 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